Speech by Second Minister for Defence Ong Ye Kung at the 7th Moscow Conference on International Security "Asia: Regional Security Aspects" on 5 April 2018

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Speech by Second Minister for Defence Ong Ye Kung at the 7th Moscow Conference on International Security "Asia: Regional Security Aspects" on 5 April 2018

Good morning ladies and gentlemen, distinguished guests. 

I would like to first thank Minister Shoigu and the Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation for their invitation to Singapore, to be part of the 7th Moscow Conference on International Security.  

SOUTHEAST ASIA'S PLACE IN THE WORLD

Regardless of which part of the world you are from, the security environment is changing. Because driving these changes are forces that are global in nature – geopolitical shifts, technological advancements, rise of global terrorist networks, hybrid warfare, misinformation campaigns through the social media – so no country, no region is spared. 

Today I will explain how these developments are affecting the security environment in Southeast Asia. General (GEN) Lich, Defence Minister from Vietnam, he has introduced a lot about ASEAN so I will try to add to what he has already spoken about. To appreciate our security landscape and concerns, I think it is instructive to dive into the past, and locate Southeast Asia's historical place in the world. 

Throughout history, the world has observed the rise and decline of many different centres of global power. The Europeans for example, at the height of its power, it dominated the high seas and established its influence and dominion in Africa, the Americas and also our part of the world, in Asia. But post Lend-Lease and World War II, the US emerged as the superpower with a global reach. 

What is striking is each power's vastly different model of internal unity, which has enabled it to consolidate itself even as it projected influence abroad. Europe was brought together by a putative sense of shared identity. Whether rooted in their shared Judeo-Christian heritage, the spirit of Enlightenment, or liberal-democratic values, their collective outlook created the conditions for deeper integration. Ironically, the horrors of World War II provided the impetus for post-war Europe to foster an ever closer union through the European Union (EU). 

The American society, on the other hand, is a patchwork of cultures, who trace their heritage to both indigenous as well as immigrant civilisations. Unlike the Europeans, the Americans were united in a shared belief of their nation's manifest destiny and its values of freedom and equality. Other powers through history, whether it is Russian, Ottoman or Majapahit are also bounded by common cultures and their respective common outlook in life.   

So where does Southeast Asia stand on this global stage? Many commentators have asked ASEAN before, ‘Why can't ASEAN be more like other regional institutions, such as the EU?' But Southeast Asia was never a centre of power, nor does it seek to be one. Instead, our historical role has always been as a thoroughfare of world trade, connecting major powers across land and sea. The names that describe various parts of our geography testify to that – "Indo-China" reflected our geographical position as a space connecting two major continents, China and India. "Singapore", where I represent today, is a word that comes from Sanskrit, "the Philippines" was named in honour of a Spanish King. 

In that regard, the Straits of Malacca have been the main shipping channel connecting the Indian and Pacific Oceans for more than a thousand years. As a corollary of Southeast Asia's position as a thoroughfare, the region was a stage for contestation at the height of colonialism and the Cold War. Incidentally, it was the defeat of Napoleon that led to the British seeking a new port outside of Indonesia, and hence the founding of Singapore almost 200 years ago. The situation has since changed, but developments in big power relations will continue to have major implications in Southeast Asia. 

Another factor that defines Southeast Asia is our breath-taking degree of ethnic and cultural diversity. Every region in the world is diverse, but Southeast Asia is unique in being home to almost all major religions, including Islam, Christianity, Buddhism, Taoism and Hinduism. 

Given this, and our relative short histories as nation-states, instability and conflicts were the bywords for a post-war Southeast Asia that was rapidly undergoing de-colonisation. There was little or no prospect of Southeast Asia consolidating itself into a strong and intimate union, in a manner similar to the US or the EU. 

Hence, ASEAN was established in 1967 to manage the external challenges and internal differences within Southeast Asia through dialogue and cooperation. In that regard, ASEAN has been a tremendous success, as it has maintained peace and stability throughout the region since the grouping's founding, and global trade flows unimpeded through this Maritime Silk Road. Some call ASEAN therefore – ‘An Asian Miracle'.

THREATS TO OUR SECURITY

Today, ASEAN faces three headwinds today: First, protectionist sentiments loom large. From our standpoint as a home to key global shipping lanes, this is one of the greatest challenges to our region. 

Around the world, globalisation is undergoing a crisis of confidence. Many workers do not feel that they are benefitting from international trade. While globalisation throws up winners and losers, the losers are not sufficiently assured that their concerns are addressed. While such discontent towards globalisation and free trade is real, is legitimate, protectionism as a solution will be worse than the problem. 

Part of the solution lies in strengthening international co-operation, and keeping alive the multilateral trade momentum. ASEAN has proactively facilitated free and open trade with various partners, and worked hard in connecting major powers and catalysing regional economic cooperation. For instance, ASEAN member states already participate in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement, and its latest incarnation as the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). ASEAN is also central to the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), which is built upon the inclusive ASEAN Plus and East Asia Summit (EAS) regional platforms. 

We hope these initiatives will strengthen economic linkages, enhance trade and investment, and close development gaps among the 16 members. However, tackling the discontent of globalisation is not just a matter of international co-operation, but also a matter of effective domestic politics.  

Second headwind is terrorism. This continues to pose a major regional threat. The focus on Marawi in the Philippines is shifting into a reconstruction phase. But returning Southeast Asian ISIS fighters from the Middle East will bring with them new capabilities, and connections. Religious self-radicalisation continues to persist, and terrorists will seek to exploit pockets of regional instability, to fan the anger of those who are marginalised in society. In this regard, the ASEAN-Russia Joint Statement in Manila last year was a useful step in countering terrorism, by restricting travel to conflict zones in the Middle East and curbing the flow of money to terrorist groups.

Taken together, the prospect on the terrorism situation remains worrying. In Singapore, we take the approach that it is not a matter of if terror will strike, but when terror will strike, and our society has to be psychologically prepared for it. 

The third headwind is regional tensions. The situations on the Korean Peninsula and in the East and South China Seas remain potential regional flashpoints, susceptible to miscalculation and potential conflict. 

We are glad to see that the situation has calmed down as key players are ready to engage in negotiations. Negotiations may be long drawn and complex, in the case of the Korean Peninsula, but better jaw-jaw than war-war. ASEAN is also doing its part to facilitate confidence building measures in the South China Sea, to minimise the possibility of miscalculation and conflict. All stakeholder nations in the East and South China Seas wish to be assured of the freedom of navigation and overflight, so that we can continue to progress economically and improve the lives of our peoples. 

SOUTHEAST ASIA'S REGIONAL SECURITY ARCHITECTURE 

The disparate and transnational natures of these threats make ASEAN more relevant than ever. Guided by our historical position, ASEAN operates on the principles of openness, consultation, consensus, and non-interference. Our traits include a steadfast commitment toward engaging all parties in constructive dialogue, and objectivity on global issues. ASEAN avoids taking sides across ideological divides and this continues to define our approach toward regional and global engagement.
 
Because of these, ASEAN serves as a non-threatening and neutral platform for engagement amongst global powers with a stake in the peace and security of the Asia-Pacific. These traits define our ASEAN-centred fora such as the ASEAN Regional Forum, EAS, and what GEN Lich talked about, ASEAN Defence Ministers' Meeting (ADMM) and ADMM-Plus. 

Inaugurated in 2006, the ADMM is the highest defence consultative and cooperative mechanism in ASEAN. The ADMM-Plus was inaugurated in 2010, and is the only formal defence dialogue with broad global membership, at the Defence Ministers' level. Russia is an important member of the EAS as well as ADMM-Plus and we look forward to its continued participation in these ASEAN-centred fora, not just for the tenth anniversary, but also the eighth and the ninth, and Singapore is chairing the eighth. 

Every ASEAN member state plays a part to progressively strengthen our regional institution. Singapore does our part in hosting the Shangri-La Dialogue, a key defence and security conference in the region, for countries to exchange views on regional security matters. 

We also play a constructive and catalytic role in facilitating international trade and cooperation. As a small country with no agriculture or raw materials like steel, we do not pose a threat to vulnerable industries of other countries. So for any countries pushing for economic reforms and liberalisation, we are a good and low-risk partner to talk to. 

For example, we worked alongside our ASEAN partners for China and India to be a part of the RCEP Free Trade Agreement (FTA). As the original member of the TPP, Singapore encouraged the US to put trade as the centrepiece of its strategy in engaging our region. Later, we partnered Japan to push for the CPTPP. We will do well in promoting free trade even if it is two steps forward and one step back, but we should still push on because global peace and stability depends on it. Currently we are also in FTA negotiations with the Eurasian Economic Union led by Russia.

In defence, as ASEAN Chair this year, we are promoting the theme of innovation and resilience – two relevant and important attributes today. We are actively promoting confidence building measures for the South China Sea. ASEAN and China will be conducting a joint maritime exercise sometime this year, alternating the exercise location between ASEAN and China. We will continue to push for progress in the negotiations for a South China Sea Code of Conduct between ASEAN and China.  We will develop and promulgate practical confidence building measures, and code for unplanned encounters on the sea and in the air, and will try to bring all ADMM-Plus members on board. 

CONCLUSION

Ladies and gentlemen, I have explained the historical backdrop of ASEAN, why we are what we are, and how that is of value to the world today – a major thoroughfare for trade and investment, help engage global powers, and maintain peace and stability in our region. ASEAN has many platforms and initiatives aligned to these objectives, and as ASEAN Chair this year, Singapore will do our best.

It would be remiss of me not to mention that another non-threatening and open platform for engagement is through sports. Russia is hosting the World Cup in a few months' time. It is an event anticipated by billions of football fans all around the world. I wish you a good tournament, and a safe tournament, that will promote the sporting spirit, harmony and peace amongst humanity. I am sure the world will also get to know the rich culture of Russia much better in the process. 

Thank you.

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