Defence Collaboration:
Policy Implications for Singapore
by LTC Vijay Kumar
The international defence industry throughout
the world has been increasingly characterised by defence
collaboration on a bilateral and multi-lateral basis. From
engaging in defence collaboration with reluctance, the necessity
of co-operation is no longer questioned. This is nowhere
more evident than in the United Kingdom (UK) and Germany.
Both governments have always explored collaborative possibilities
prior to deciding to go on its own. During the last decade,
the US Congress and Department of Defence have shown a growing
interest towards international participation in weapon systems
development. This signals more than anything else that the
future of national defence industries will be towards international
collaboration. The main drivers for defence collaboration
have been economic, political and military considerations.
Defence collaboration between states is not a smooth process.
Participants have to overcome numerous hurdles. This includes
minimising inefficiencies arising from duplication, consensus
on work share and the technical specifications. This notwithstanding,
the benefits outweigh the costs and with the increasing
trend towards globalisation, reverses in this trend are
not expected.
The Singapore defence industry is not immune to this wave towards
defence collaboration. The smallness of the industry should
provide added impetus towards this direction to leverage
on the latest technologies and gain access to a much broader
market for the products. Hence, it is not if but how to
leverage maximum benefits from defence collaboration to
maintain the technological edge of the Singapore Armed Forces
(SAF) and to provide another dimension in our strive towards
creating an external economic wing. This paper is an attempt
to apprise and recommend policies conducive for defence
collaboration.
Defence Collaboration-Models
Detlev Petry, based on his experience of
armament co-operation in Germany has identified four models
of co-operation.1 These include:
-
The pilot nation model, where a single country
plays the role of the executive body for the programme,
in co-operation with the various countries involved.
An example includes the upgrade/life extension programme
of the GEPARD SPAAG carried out by Germany as the pilot
nation in co-operation with the Netherlands.2
-
The collaboration model is one in which national
authorities of the participating states carry out programmes
in work sharing or through close arrangements. This
model is implemented more frequently in research and
development endeavours than in procurement programmes.3
An example of such defence co-operation includes the
research and development on the AMSAR (Airborne Multi-role
Solid-state Active Array Radar) which is meant for the
future combat upgrade of the Eurofighter.
-
The NATO Agencies are special cases of an international
management solution for complex plans with extensive
funding, or such with a large number of participating
partner nations, often including the US and Canada.
Example of this is the NATO EUROFIGHTER 2000 and TORNADO
Development.4
-
The integration model (opposite of the Pilot
model) is one whereby the executive body is a programme
office with international staffing. An example of this
model is the British-Franco-German COBRA Programme Office
in Koblenz that is responsible for the Counter Battery
Radar programme.
The above models are a reflection of the
complexity in defence collaboration. For the purpose of
this paper defence co-operation or collaboration is defined
as mostly government-to-government sponsored industrial
co-operation with pre-determined work-share agreement.5
The success of defence collaboration hinges on many factors
or pre-conditions. These include the ability to harmonise
the tactical and technical requirements, the presence of
a joint research and development programme to provide a
technological understanding and a distinctive and enduring
will for co-operation.
Drivers for Collaboration
The impetus for defence collaboration is
provided by the combination of economic, military and political
factors. The end of the Cold War was an especially defining
moment for the defence industries in the west. Declining
defence budgets and redundant capacities provided only one
choice for the major defence industries; collaborate or
be eliminated. This has led to rational utilisation of the
scarce financial resources through the consolidation of
technical capabilities, sharing of developmental expenses
and the larger production costs.6
The focus of the Joint Strike Programme
(JSF) in the US is also driven by the question of affordability.
As a result, barriers are being eliminated to facilitate
sharing the burden of the high costs of research and development
efforts and to permit US industry and government to acquire
much needed intellectual property rights.7 An
added benefit from the American point of view is that it
opens markets for the US industry while at the same time
snapping away from competing foreign industries, especially
from Europe.8 Hence, the economic benefits of
defence collaboration include cost reduction in research
and development,9 and lower production costs
due to increased volume.
The other driver of defence collaboration
is the military and the evolving doctrine given the varied
demands on the armed forces. The objective is the establishment
and improvement in interoperability and increased standardisation
of military equipment. This is particularly significant
in view of the increasing military integration in the form
of multi-national units.10 The need for coalition
warfare with the former Soviet Union provided the impetus
in the past. Today, the increasing prominence of non-traditional
security issues continues to provide the impetus. The most
prominent example is the requirement for joint action in
the former Yugoslavia as part of the United Nations effort
to support humanitarian operations.11
Politics is an important factor for defence
collaboration in Europe. Unified by the Soviet threat for
over four decades, joint response became critical to Western
Europe. Such common experience has made Western Europe a
security community.12 Not identifying
each other as potential aggressors has provided the motivation
and has made arms collaboration much easier than would otherwise
be possible. Such co-operation in the very sensitive military
sphere is an important political contribution to the further
development of transparency and confidence building between
states.
Whilst politics is and will continue to
be a major impetus for arms collaboration in Western Europe,
the opposite is prevalent in the Asia-Pacific. Differences
within ASEAN over the Spratly Islands,13 has
allowed China to absolve herself for failing to finalise
the code and adopt a bilateral approach to the dispute.14
Furthermore, the deterioration in relations following the
Asian Economic Crisis was ample proof of how the surface
was deceptively brittle.15 Professor Ron Matthews
has noted the unpredictability of MalaysiaSingapore
relations such as the recent tensions over the rail link
between the two countries and Kuala Lumpur's failure to
participate in the recent Five-Power Defence Agreement military
exercise.16 Given such unresolved bilateral and
multilateral disputes, politics within ASEAN will continue
to be a major impediment to defence collaboration though
the economic and military logic for collaboration is clearly
evident. Figure 1 illustrates the main drivers for defence
collaboration:
Challenges to Defence
Collaboration
With increasing globalisation, economics
will continue to be the main driver for defence collaboration.
However, very often the full benefits could not be realised
due to a number of factors. The 'square root' formula says
that the development costs rise in rough proportion to the
square root of the number of participants.17
For example in the Eurofighter programme, duplication of
production facilities based on the 'just share' principle
and 'unnatural' division of work on the software modules
and the head-up display resulted in subsequent integration
problems and less savings. Absolute research and development
costs are also higher though relative costs are lower.18
Resulting from this, the UK National Audit Office Report
on the Eurofighter recommended that projects should emphasise
the need for value for money rather than have work share
as an overriding factor.19 The setting up of
OCCAR (Organisme Conjoint de Co-operation en matiere
d'Armement, Organisation for Joint Armaments Cupertino)
is also an initiative to facilitate armaments co-operation
between participating states with emphasis on value for
money.20
In addition, the laborious process undertaken
to sort agreement between the partners very often results
in compromises. For example, JSF will necessarily be a compromise
aircraft, born out of different and in some cases contrasting
requirements. Under such circumstances, the resulting extensive
trade-off exercises (under the dominating issue of affordability)
routinely produce either an overall mediocre multi-role
combat aircraft, or a single-role aircraft with reduced
capabilities to perform other roles.21 Such an
approach is perfectly acceptable and indeed logical from
the US perspective.22 However, for the other
participants the economics associated with acquiring a single
multi-role type of aircraft may now not be possible. In
addition, the smaller partners will continue to remain hostage
to the requirements of the US and her armed services.
Many of the challenges could be minimised
if countries were able to identify military requirements
far enough into the future so that requirements and time
schedules can be harmonised sufficiently to permit co-operative
research, development, testing and production. Unless this
is done, defence collaboration efforts will continue to
be hampered by such impediments.
Defence Industry in Singapore
Singapore's defence industry is a strategic
element supporting the SAF.23 Often referred
to as the sixth component of the total defence concept,24
it has three main roles: to meet the needs of the SAF by
enhancing technological capabilities, provide quality products
and services at competitive prices to the SAF and contribute
to the economy through the External Wing and profits. These
roles have driven the local defence industry to develop
defence equipment both in collaboration with foreign defence
establishments and on its own.25 This has broadened
and deepened the technological capability of the defence
industry. More importantly, this has well positioned the
local defence industry to leverage on the benefits of pursuing
a strategy of defence collaboration to enhance the Defence
Industrial Base. In fact, Singapore has understood the need
for defence collaboration much earlier to leverage on the
advance technologies and other advantages afforded through
defence collaboration. In line with the above objectives,
the strategy of the local defence industries in defence
collaboration is as follows:
-
Establish long-term and enduring relationship with
pioneers in the defence industry. Examples include those
with the US.
-
Emphasis on training and education to enable a highly
skilled technical workforce with the absorptive capacity
for new and emerging technologies.
-
Minimise off-the-shelf purchases, which are currently
45 % of total procurement.
-
Emphasis on dual use industries and technologies of
strategic significance to leverage on the spin-on and
spin-offs from critical technologies through a bigger
market.
-
Privatisation of the local defence industry to allow
for greater transparency and efficiency in defence collaboration.
In this regard we should consider replicating the DERA
model in the UK.
Policy Implications for
Singapore
In the assessment of this paper, the main
areas for defence collaboration for Singapore are in the areas
of research and development, joint production and finally
joint upgrade and maintenance. It is pertinent to emphasise
that these three areas are not mutually exclusive but are
mutually reinforcing.
Research and Development
Owing to Singapore's limited resources, technology
must be exploited in providing a force multiplier effect.
We have to be more proactive and innovative in exploiting
technology to have technological capabilities to maintain,
acquire, upgrade and develop systems for the SAF. However,
given a limited budget of S$2.66b (1.8% of GDP) for research
and development in 2000, there is a need to enter into several
long-term co-operative arrangements on defence research and
development with the defence establishments of other countries
to reduce costs, share risks and significantly shorten the
time taken to realise advanced technologies.26
The focus of such efforts should be on a conscious mix of
selected world-class abilities combined with a broad capability
as opposed to an incoherent scatter of abilities.
Presently, Singapore has extensive defence
collaboration with South Africa. With South Africa, a memorandum
of understanding has been signed on Defence Cupertino in Technology.27
Whilst these should be continued, the local industry should
aim to develop collaboration in research and development on
technologies that will have a greater bearing on the SAF defence
strategy and doctrine. These include:
JSF is easily one of the largest international
projects, with many technological spin-offs for future use.
Presently, a minor partner with a contribution of US$3m, we
should aim to be a substantial partner in research and development
in order to benefit from the possible technology transfer.
This together with the experience in upgrading the F-5 and
Skyhawks will position us to offer similar upgrades
to other countries using F-16s in this region on an individual
or a collaborative basis.
Singapore's policy on collaboration in research
and development should therefore take a long-term view encompassing
the SAF's long-term needs and future requirements and those
which allow us to collaborate in joint production and which
offer joint upgrades in the future. Foreign investment policy
should also encourage collaboration in civilian industries
that have spin-offs for the defence industry.
Joint Production
The other important area for defence collaboration
is in
joint production. Given the experience and success in defence
related endeavours such as the Bionix,28
the local defence industry is well positioned to enter into
collaborative ventures to meet
the requirements of the SAF and also to develop export
potential. The policy with respect to joint production should
be
as follows:
-
Prime contractor when there is synergy with core capability.
An example of this is our success with the development
and production of the Bionix IFV.29
As such, the policy approach is to focus on systems integration
rather than trying to manufacture everything. In this
regard, the Westland of the UK is an example to emulate.
-
Participating as a minor partner in high-tech and specialised
areas allowing long-term benefits so that we can gain
the required capability to position us for other high-end
collaborative ventures.30 For example, our
participation in the JSF program will position us to provide
upgrades to
F-16s or produce high value-added sub-systems for the
JSF. This will transfer capabilities and technology allowing
us gradual advance to more high-tech areas or even produce
parts for Boeing and Airbus commercial aircraft in the
long term.
-
Collaboration as a strategy is required in technologies
that are not openly available such as in information on
missile systems or UAVs. The Ministry of Defence's (MINDEF)
Chief Defence Scientist, Professor Lui Pao Chuen said,
"Because of our work on this aircraft,31
the armed forces of the United States, Sweden and France
are interested in collaborating with us on it." Harnessing
UAV technology is important to make up for the lack of
manpower. Hence, joint partnerships or collaboration in
producing UAVs to meet local needs with potential for
exports should be one of the key areas that requires attention.
-
Leverage on the marketing skills of others such as with
Vickers defence systems to market the Bionix in
Europe. We should adopt similar approaches for our FH
88/2000 Artillery, SAR 21 assault rifles and any other
future products coming out of our defence industries.
32
Upgrade and Maintenance
Given the high costs of advance defence equipment
and the opportunity costs of high defence expenditure, upgrading
existing weapons systems to extend the life cycle is proving
to be an attractive option throughout the armed forces in
the world. In fact, it is no secret that even in the developed
states, all major weapons systems undergo at least one major
mid-life upgrade. The experience gained in upgrading our F-533
and skyhawks and our participation in the JSF development
position us well to undertake collaborative ventures to upgrade
and install subsystems aboard the F-16 fighters in the region.
We can pursue such collaborative ventures with Israel, another
partner of the JSF development. Alternatively, we can jointly
negotiate the upgrade for the F-16s in this region with the
US. Such co-operation is bound to result in benefits in terms
of price, transfer of technology and other advantages due
to the greater bargaining power.
We should also pursue collaboration in maintenance
such as between Logistics Instrumentation Services and Technology
(Thomson-CSF) and Keppel Engineering to provide logistics
and maintenance support. Our strategic location allows us
to exploit this. This together with the experience gained
in locally developing the LSTs and Patrol Vessels allows us
to collaborate in providing maintenance facilities. Similarly,
we should continue to gain a greater share in maintenance
of aircraft, including commercial aircraft. Possibilities
of collaborative ventures in these areas will not only enhance
market share but also, provide spin-offs.
Explore Potential Partners
Within the Region
There are now indicators signalling a move
towards defence collaboration in this region.34
Deputy Prime Minister and Defence Minister of Singapore,
Dr Tony Tan has stated that "there is much scope for
bilateral and multi-lateral co-operation in the region"
and "co-operation among the defence establishments remains
relatively under-developed".35 Though not
accepted due to various reasons,36 the prevalence
of non-traditional security concerns and the experience from
the East Timor crisis would be the motivations towards this
direction. The International Maritime Bureau on Piracy has
also identified Indonesia as the most piracy prone area in
the world. Such non-traditional security concerns call for
a multi-lateral approach, coalition and joint approaches to
tackle the problems. So politics may become a driver of defence
collaboration in this region, amidst at a much slower rate.
The economic benefits arising out of defence
collaboration include savings on foreign exchange, greater
employment and developing the Defence Industrial Base through
technology transfers. The militaries in the region can also
benefit from customising the weapons systems to their specific
requirements. One possible area is the replacement of the
AMX-13 light tanks. Given our close and
jungle terrain, light tanks will better meet our requirements
as opposed to heavy tanks. With the international market dominated
by heavy tanks, a collaborative venture within ASEAN may prove
to be promising.
The other area for regional collaboration
efforts is in meeting the naval and maritime police requirements
for offshore patrol vessels and coastal patrol craft. Given
the prevalence of piracy and illegal immigrants, the ability
to patrol and control the seas surrounding becomes very crucial.
Our experience in locally developing the LSTs37
and patrol vessels38 show the local defence industries'
ability to design, build, integrate and deliver sophisticated
warships and combat systems for the SAF. Alternatively, such
requirements can be jointly procured from major defence companies
to give us greater bargaining power in terms of price, transfer
of technology and other advantages. In this regard, Rolls
Royce, a British gas-turbine manufacturer, is seeking partnerships
with local shipbuilders to establish warship design and production
capability here.39 The company is offering its
propulsion-systems expertise to shipbuilders, such as Singapore
Technologies Engineering, to set up their own warship industry.
This is the recognition of our appetite to design and build
warships locally, and even export them and the opportunities
must not be missed.40 Such collaborative ventures
if possible must be done with regional partners to reap greater
economic benefits.
Conclusion
The international trend is clearly towards
defence collaboration driven by political, economic and military
factors. States ignore this trend given impetus by the increasing
phenomenon of globalisation only at their own peril. Hence,
it is beyond doubt that Asia will replicate this trend of
international defence collaboration.
In the case of the Singapore Defence Industry,
complete self-reliance may not be possible. This should not
stop us from pursuing self-reliance on vital and basic weapons
systems such as ammunition and basic weapons (SAR 21, Ultimax
100 and artillery systems). However, collaboration as a strategy
in major weapons systems and high-tech areas must be continued
to minimise costs in research and development, technology
transfer to maintain the edge and to increase market share.
Taking a long-term view in these areas will allow us to master
the technology to meet out specific needs and subsequently
incorporate them in future production and development of our
weapons systems.
Whilst we continue to look for possibilities
in the west for defence collaboration, the opportunities available
within the region should not be ignored. However, the many
challenges to defence collaboration within the region will
make the road ahead toward armaments co-operation not an easy,
but a necessary one, especially in the longer term.
Endnotes
1 Detlev Petry, "Armament
Co-operation: the BWB's Experience", Military Technology,
November 2000. page 17-21.
2 This model is efficient
with the single partner completely responsible for the implementation
of the programme based on a government-to-government agreement.
This model is increasingly rare as national interests seldom
permit one state to be given the pilot status.
3 It is not normally the
objective to jointly develop a common product in the partners'
armed forces in the short-term. This, however may be the long-term
goal of the co-operation.
4 Another example is the
Production and Logistics Agency, tasked with managing the
development, procurement and logistics of European fighter
aircraft.
5 In recent years however,
private defence enterprises have engaged in defence collaborative
ventures across boundaries sometimes without government support.
6 Detlev Petry, op. cit.,
page 16.
7 James Elliot, "JSF
for Everybody", Military Technology, March 1998.
page26.
8 Ibid, page 28. The UK
is a collaborative Development Partner, the Netherlands, Denmark
and Norway are Associate Partners, Russia, French and British
firms are participating in the "Fee for Service"
scheme and Singapore is a sales customer with access to technical
information.
9 This is done through technology
sharing and shortening of the learning curve.
10 Detlev Petry, op. cit.,
page 16.
11 With the proposal to
set up the European Armed Forces, there is an increasing need
to have commonalties not only in terms of weapons systems
for interoperability but, common doctrine and training approaches
and for logistics efficiencies.
12 Refers to a group of
states that no longer expect to use force against each other.
Originally coined by Karl Deutsch, the test of a security
community is not the absence of conflict per se, but an ability
to resolve conflicts without resort to force, as well as the
absence of significant preparations for war (such as arms
race) among a group of states. Security Communities can be
"amalgamated" in which the sovereignty of the members
is superseded by a supranational authority, or "pluralistic"
in which states retain their sovereignty, but no longer view
war as a legitimate way of dealing with one another.
13 The Code of Conduct was
not signed during the ASEAN summit in Singapore because of
differences. Hanoi wanted to include the Paracels to which
Malaysia objected as this is between China and Vietnam.
14 The security concern
involving six of the ASEAN member states is the Spratlys Islands
dispute that is the major flashpoint in Southeast Asia although
the likelihood of outright war remains distant. The inherent
characteristics of the dispute, in particular the manner in
which claims have been asserted through the use of force by
the various claimants point to a potentially destabilising
situation. There have been several instances of creeping encroachments
& fortification of outposts by ASEAN states on each other's
claims over the Spratlys Islands. Further, the lack of agreed
institutional framework for the peaceful settlement of the
dispute resulted in Intra-ASEAN misunderstandings and a lack
of consensus. Michael Leifer has noted that ASEAN have long
been unable to assume a common position on China and this
has actually allowed China to adopt a divide and rule policy
by advocating bilateral talks.
15 Prime Minister Mahathir
Mohamad warned Singapore in a rally at Johore Bahru, "We
don't have a large military to attack others. We have tried
to be good neighbours. But don't take us for granted."
There were also unconfirmed intelligence sources indicating
that Malaysia contemplated armed action against Singapore.
The Straits Times, 6 August 1998 and Amitav Acharya, "Globalisation,
Interdependence and Regional Stability"(unpublished).
16 Ron Matthews, "Singapore
Buys Longbows and Grows Its Defence Industry", Asia-Pacific
Defence Reporter, Dec 1999.
17 Global costs for a four-partner
project will be about twice those of a single-nation project.
Hence, the formula implies a net saving to each nation of
about half the costs of a single nation development.
18 This is due to additional
administrative procedures, language barriers and compromises
resulting in delays.
19 "UK report highlights
problems facing collaborative projects", Jane's Defence
Weekly, May 1998.
20 Ezio Bonsignore, "OCCAR+
WEAO = EAA", Military Technology, March 1997,
page 88. The aim of OCCAR includes achieving better cost effectiveness
through rationalising management and procurement procedures,
improving the competitiveness of the European industrial and
technological defence base and discarding any pretension of
obtaining "just return" over each and every co-operation
programme to replace it with an equitable return to be achieved
over several programmes along the years.
21 James Elliot, "JSF
for Everybody", Military Technology, March 1998.
page 28. The JSF is assessed to have the same manoeuvrability
as the F-16, top speed of 1.4-1.6 mach (slower than the mach
2 of the F-22), slower sustain rate and operations weapons
load is also low. Hence, it is a strike fighter and not an
air-superiority aircraft. This implies that an escort is needed
for protection. Whilst add-ons in the future could not be
ruled out, this could be due to compromises made to reduce
costs and to meet a wider market.
22 All the services plan
to use the JSF primarily for ground attack and only secondarily
for air combat missions; the JSF is, thus, conceived in view
of an overall combat environment, whereby air superiority
will be provided by the F-22 and the F/A-18E. In addition,
the JSF is also intended to take full advantage of US advances
in the field of C3I and data handling, including for instance
relying extensively on mission data provided by external sources.
23 The mission of the SAF
is to deter attacks against the national territory and if
deterrence fails to secure a swift and decisive victory. To
fulfil this role, it is crucial that the SAF maintains the
technological edge to function as an effective force and overcome
the constraints of her small geographical size, defence budgets
and human resources. As technology evolves over time and finds
new applications in the military, the SAF must constantly
keep abreast of these changes. We must explore and adapt such
technologies for use in our order of battle, where they are
relevant and cost-effective. In this manner, the SAF can stay
ahead of changes in the modern battlefield and fulfil its
mission.
24 The other components
of total defence are political, economic, social, psychological
and military.
25 These include the Bionix
Infantry Fighting Vehicle (IFV), the endurance class of Landing
Ship Tanks (LST), the Offshore Patrol Vessels (OPV) and the
FH 88/2000 155mm Artillery.
26 Collaboration will result
in the birth of new technology within a relatively shorter
time than would be the case if we were to be build up their
own from scratch.
27 "Singapore signs
Military Cupertino Agreement With South Africa", Pioneer,
January 1998.
28 Christopher F Foss, "Singapore
Now Armed with Bionix", Jane's Defence Weekly,
August 1999.
29 The foreign components
in the IFV includes Boeing M242 Bushmaster, General Electric
HMPT 500-3EC automatic transmission, and Detroit Diesel 6V92TA
engine.
30 We should pursue as a
minor partner in developing and producing sub-systems such
as radar, flight controls and head-up display units.
31 The SAF is looking into
the possibility of using a pilotless aircraft for long-range
naval surveillance. Defence researchers here have just completed
a study on an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) - an airborne
radar and communications station. It took 30 aeronautical
and electronic engineers - from the Defence Science and Technology
Agency, DSO National Laboratories and Singapore Technologies
Aerospace - three years to finish the project.
31 Chan Kay Min, Navy may
use unmanned radar planes, 11 May 01, The Straits Times.
32 Indeed, in some specific
cases their superior marketing leverage is openly acknowledged
as the key reason for British companies being invited to join
a given programme.
33 "Local Defence Industry
Makes Presence Felt at Asian Aerospace 98", Pioneer,
April 1998, page 7.
34 The former Prime Minister
of Singapore, Mr. Lee Kuan Yew has suggested greater military
Cupertino and multilateral exercises within ASEAN as far back
as September 1982. Dr K.U. Menon, "An ASEAN defence community:
real or imagined?" Asia-Pacific Reporter, April
1991.
35 "Interview with
Deputy Prime Minister and Defence Minister Dr Tony Tan",
Asian Defence Diplomacy, Vol. 7 No. 2 February 2000.
36 This was not accepted
due to different threat perceptions and fear of inviting counter
reactions from others. For example the Indonesian defence
minister Edi Sudrajat rejected ASEAN peacekeeping force citing
difference in military doctrine
37 Pioneer, May 1999,
page 3.
38 "Four more Patrol
Vessels become operational", Pioneer, April 1998,
page 7.
39 Chan Kay Min, op.cit.
40 ibid.
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LTC T Vijayakumar is currently a Deputy Director
in the Defence Policy Group. A Guards officer by vocation,
he was previously a CO of a Guards unit and the Dy Comd of
the Infantry Training Centre. He graduated with a Bachelor
of Arts from NUS in 1985 and obtained an MSc (Strategic Studies)
from NTU-IDSS in 2001. LTC Vijayakumar attended the Command
and Staff Course at SCSC in 1995. |