Ministry of Defence, Singapore Singapore Government
Contact Info | Feedback | Sitemap 
  Search   
Advanced Search 
Home > Journals > 2008 > Vol. 34 No. 1 > Shaping Policy Space: Defence Diplomacy in the 3rd Generation RSAF
Shaping Policy Space: Defence Diplomacy in the 3rd Generation RSAF
  Email Article     Print Article

by LTC Desmond Chong, MAJ Philip Khoo and CPT Amos Yeo



Each and every time we engage our foreign friends is an opportunity for the RSAF to further MINDEF's defence diplomacy goals, and by extension, contribute to shaping Singapore's policy space.

Policy space is about choice. In the context of international relations, policy space can be thought of as the conceptual realm within which countries have to make choices that best meet their national interests. Since all - almost all - countries exist within an internationally recognised system, they also have to operate within the constraints of internationally accepted norms of behaviour. Therefore, it follows that every country's policy space is limited or constrained. Having said that, no country is also completely limited in its policy choices by circumstances.1 So what determines the extent of a country's policy space? One way to look at this is to perhaps think about how a group of friends decide on which movie to catch on a Friday night.

In this "negotiation", each person would have his/her preferred choice of movie to watch, which are based on factors such as individual preferences, past experiences and the prevailing market conditions (e.g. the seats available in the various cinemas). The person with charisma or influence is more likely to be able to persuade the rest of the group to watch the movie he/she prefers. Similarly, the person who will be providing transport for the group will also be a strong position to influence the choice of cinema and movie to catch. The group may also be inclined to accede to the recommendation of the individual who promises to bring attractive friends along to watch the movie of his/her choice. Of course, the underlying assumption here is that the group is inherently open to the idea of mixing around and making new friends. Perception is also a key consideration. It would be much easier to convince the group to agree to watch a movie that has received good reviews from the critics. Conversely, it would be much harder to convince everyone to watch a particular movie if people think that they will subsequently be ridiculed by other friends for having wasted time and money to watch a "silly" movie. Eventually, the movie decided upon will likely be to the advantage of the person with the greatest leverage - in the context of our discussion, the individual with greatest "policy space".

It is also important to remember that for a friendship to be long-lasting and meaningful, it must be built on the principle of mutual benefit and trust. Friends are not out to take advantage of one another, but instead seek to derive win-win solutions that are beneficial to everyone. Of course, the benefits, both perceived and tangible, cannot always be equally distributed. Some give-and-take is inevitable. However, among friends, the process of arriving at the final decision should not involve quid pro quo bean-counting or splitting hairs, but instead, should be carried out in a spirit of understanding and cooperation.

The same principles apply when negotiations take place between nation-states. Therefore when we speak of a country's policy space, we refer to a combination of its leverage, bargaining power and room to manoeuvre in the international arena. Another important condition relevant to Singapore is size. In international relations, size matters. Former Indonesian President B. J. Habibie once referred to Singapore as nothing more than a "little red dot" on the map. So how does a little red dot, with almost no natural resources, and nearly zero-strategic depth, survive and thrive? From the onset, the answer for Singapore's leaders was pointed squarely at creating and securing our policy space. What then is the role of the Ministry of Defence (MINDEF) and the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) in this business of creating and securing of policy space? The answer is right here in the mission statement of the MINDEF.

"The mission of the Ministry of Defence is to enhance Singapore's peace and security, and should deterrence and diplomacy fail, to secure a swift and decisive victory over the aggressor."

It is often said that Singapore punches above its weight in international relations. The extent that the SAF contributes to this depends on its ability to achieve its stated mission. Hence, by effectively pursuing the twin pillars of deterrence and diplomacy, MINDEF and the SAF play an important role in the creation and shaping of Singapore's national policy space. This essay discusses the role of the 3rd Generation RSAF in shaping policy space and how each and every member of the RSAF has an important part to play. In particular, given the RSAF's international footprint, it argues that defence diplomacy forms an integral part of RSAF operations, and suggests how the men and women of the RSAF can better contribute to this important mission.

The RSAF - An International Air Force

The RSAF currently operates seven long-term training detachments in Australia, France and the United States. It also conducts regular training exercises in more than six other countries throughout the year. On average, up to 50 percent of the RSAF's annual flying hours are flown overseas. These figures provide a glimpse of the RSAF's international footprint. For a small Air Force, it is really quite amazing to think that almost 24 hours every day, some members of the RSAF are likely to be interacting with foreign military or civilian counterparts. Besides the professional benefits that these interactions provide, each and every time we engage our foreign friends is an opportunity for the RSAF to further MINDEF's defence diplomacy goals, and by extension, contribute to shaping Singapore's policy space.

"In defence diplomacy, we seek to develop mutually beneficial relationships with friendly countries and armed forces to contribute to a stable international and regional environment."

MG Ng Chee Khern, Chief of Air Force,
Republic of Singapore Air Force

Given its international presence, how can the RSAF better contribute to shaping policy space? To be effective defence diplomats, the RSAF as an organisation, as well as its airmen, must bring value to the foreign forces that we train and exercise with, and do so with cultural sensitivity.

Since its birth in 1968, the RSAF has sought to improve its operational capabilities by learning from other advanced and mature air forces around the world. Professional competence can be a powerful catalyst in enhancing defence interactions: it is more likely that other military forces will be more interested to interact and engage with a professionally capable RSAF. This in turn promotes further learning and growth within the RSAF to enhance its capability and the virtuous cycle goes on. More importantly, this greater opportunity to interact with other military forces achieves the more strategic defence diplomacy goal of forging mutually beneficial relationships and networks. By being more professionally capable, the RSAF also becomes a more effective deterrent force as a component of the SAF, thus achieving the two objectives of defence diplomacy and deterrence.

Defence diplomacy extends beyond military-to-military interactions. Through various operations, the RSAF has had the opportunity to reach out to the civilians as well. Besides the well- publicised Operation Flying Eagle, the RSAF has also been involved in other Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) operations that have provided opportunities for foreign interactions. In September 2005, members of the Peace Prairie Chinook detachment in Texas were presented with the unexpected opportunity to assist in the HADR effort after Hurricane Katrina devastated Louisiana. In carrying out this mission effectively, the RSAF at once demonstrated its operational capability, contributed value to our friends in need, and deepened the local community's understanding of Singapore and the RSAF.

Everyone has a Part to Play

Up to this point, it should be clear that the responsibility of conducting defence diplomacy in the RSAF does not lie solely with the Chief of Air Force (CAF) or the senior leadership of the RSAF. It is a role in which each and every airman in the RSAF has a part to play. But effective defence diplomacy is not easy. It requires thoughtfulness, attention to details and cultural sensitivity. In explaining the importance of defence diplomacy to senior RSAF officers, CAF once estimated that up to a third of his time is spent on such activities. As an organisation, the RSAF also spends a tremendous amount of resources and effort to engage our defence partners. Last year, various RSAF units and agencies hosted more than 70 foreign delegation visits to Singapore, more than one visit per week. This excludes the interactions conducted overseas.

Through activities like multilateral exercises, professional exchange and HADR operations, the RSAF has over the years built for itself a reputation as an operationally capable and credible Air Force.
Although defence diplomacy takes so much of our time and effort, it is a high pay-off investment. Through participation in multilateral exercises, professional exchanges, HADR operations, professional collaborations, social and organisational networking, the RSAF has over the years built for itself a reputation as an operationally capable and credible Air Force. In its many interactions with foreign friends, the perception of the RSAF as a technologically advanced, operationally competent outfit is a common refrain. These are compliments that all members of the RSAF and the wider SAF should be proud of. Nevertheless, defence diplomacy is certainly not a one-way highway. Through these interactions, the RSAF also endeavours to make sure it brings value to the defence partners that it trains, exercises and shares ideas with.

However, it is equally important to realise that such relationships can be quite fragile. While the benefits of effective defence diplomacy generally take considerable time and effort before they materialise, it does not take much effort nor time to unravel the good work. For armed forces that deploy to foreign countries, whether for training and exercises or operations, this is particularly pertinent. The Abu Ghraib Prison torture scandal in Iraq is a recent example of how the indiscriminate actions of a few can lead to severe effects and consequences much greater than the acts themselves.

Having put forth that defence diplomacy is the responsibility of everyone up and down the chain of command, are there areas that need specific attention? The answer could well lie in the middle echelon of the RSAF, i.e. the Commanding Officers (COs), Officers Commanding (OCs), and senior Warrant Officers of line units. Often, the policy makers and military leaders in the higher echelons are able to articulate the strategies to enhance defence diplomacy. Not only are they more experienced, they are also the decision makers who have thought through and are intimately familiar with the issues. It is, however, less intuitive for middle echelon officers who are expected to translate strategic intent and objectives into actual practice on the ground. Given the international reach of RSAF operations as described earlier, this poses a significant challenge. Squadron COs and OCs who are deployed overseas, be it in a multilateral exercise such as Ex. Pitch Black, a HADR mission or Peacekeeping Operation (PKO), must recognise that the decisions they make may have strategic repercussions. Faced with the decision, for example, to push their people to go the extra mile to achieve exercise or mission objectives, vis-a-vis management factors like safety, crew rest, flying hours and manning cycles, middle echelon leaders must realise that their decisions and actions may have consequences and effects at higher strategic levels.

In terms of defence diplomacy, arguably the people who can make the most difference are those on the ground. The best efforts of the senior leadership would go to waste or come undone by ill-informed actions of the people on the ground. The diplomacy effort is a chain, it is as strong as the weakest link. The weak link is not confined to rank or appointment. Everyone up and down the chain needs to work in concert, singing the same tune. The difficulty lies more in creating the awareness throughout the organisation that every person counts. This is true, from the air traffic controller, who communicates with foreign aircraft on a day-to-day basis, to the squadron pilot participating in overseas detachments and exercises. In their respective circumstances, both are the faces of Singapore and the RSAF that the foreign counterparts see, hear and interact with. Through their actions, tone of voice, professionalism and attitudes, they can make a profound impression, be it positive or negative.

Defence diplomacy is the responsibility of each and every person, thus everyone in the 3rd Generation RSAF should be equipped with the necessary skills and knowledge to act as effective diplomats.
How to Do It Better

If defence diplomacy is the responsibility of each and every person in the RSAF, and the consequences of inappropriate actions and decisions may be profound, it follows that everyone should be properly equipped to play their part effectively. Hence, in the 3rd Generation RSAF, everyone should be equipped with the necessary skills and knowledge to act as effective defence diplomats. How should this issue be approached? In the first place, does the 3rd Generation Airman currently possess the necessary skills and knowledge for effective defence diplomacy? How much training is required? What kind of training would be appropriate? Who should conduct this training? While detailed answers to these questions are beyond the scope of this essay, several areas for further exploration seem obvious.

First, there is a need to create awareness and institutionalise the process of educating 3rd Generation Airmen on how to better conduct defence diplomacy. This subject could perhaps be given some attention within the framework of developing the personal competencies of RSAF personnel. Steps have already been taken in this regard. The RSAF has included Defence Relations modules into the syllabi of courses such as Squadron Commanders Course and the Flight Commanders Course. The key objectives of these sessions include building awareness of the importance of defence diplomacy in the context of shaping national policy space amongst the RSAF middle echelon leaders. While the initiative has been taken, it will be useful for the relevant agencies to explore how this type of training can be further improved upon.

Second, in nurturing the appreciation of defence diplomacy, it would appear that a mentoring programme could serve as a key enabler. It is difficult to teach the finer points of defence diplomacy through lectures or reading alone. It requires "on-the-job" experience. Therefore, a mentor approach to teaching expertise and skills in defence diplomacy is likely to be more effective. Here, senior officers have an important role to play in actively guiding their subordinates. How often do senior officers take time to explain to their men the rationale, or considerations, when making decisions that may have larger policy implications?

Third, it is important to instil a certain policy instinct in 3rd Generation Airmen. Many situations in a defence diplomacy scenario require that a person act or make decisions without delay. In some cases, the involvement of defence diplomacy may not even be obvious. Faced with this, it is important that the understanding of defence diplomacy and how to respond appropriately become instinctive.

Perhaps a fitting way to close this discussion on how defence diplomacy plays an important role in helping the RSAF shape policy space, is to provide two simple rules of thumb when it comes to the practice of defence diplomacy.

Rule of Thumb 1: Contextualise the Situation. One of the most commonly made mistakes is the blind application of principles. It cannot be said often enough that every situation is different. When we interact with our foreign friends, whether in the military or civilian, it is important to understand and observe cultural and social norms that may be different to ours and others. The recent advertisement campaign by HSBC bank is a humorous take on how different cultures look at and interpret everyday things, like gestures and even how one acts around the dining table, very differently. While the advertisement showed the funny side to cultural differences, mistakes on the diplomacy front may lead to more serious outcomes.

Rule of Thumb 2: Pay Attention to Details. The world of practical diplomacy, both military and non-military, is a well-established one. This should come as no surprise given that practitioners of diplomacy operate within well established norms and protocols. Hence, it is really through careful attention to detail that one can convey that something special to your guest or host. A good example would be in the selection of personal gifts. To many, this would appear to be a straightforward process not worthy of too much brain bytes. To think so would be to miss out on a great opportunity to demonstrate sincerity and genuine friendship. Unlike family or personal friends whom we are familiar with through constant interactions, we do not have the luxury of personally knowing many of our foreign defence partners very well. In this kind of situation, some extra thoughtfulness in our selection of gifts will go a long way in conveying the significance of the relationship, and more often than not the look of surprise and joy on the recipient's face is truly satisfying - and here, the satisfaction is just the same as if it were from a family member or personal friend. Often in defence diplomacy, a little really does go a long way.

Conclusion

As a small country, creating and shaping policy space is vital for Singapore's survival and MINDEF has an important role to play. Given its international presence and reach, the RSAF is at the forefront of the SAF's defence diplomacy efforts in contributing to the shaping of our national policy space. This essay has argued that the responsibility of defence diplomacy in the RSAF lies not only in the hands of its senior leadership, but also with each and every one of its airmen. To continue to ensure that this important role is effectively carried out, 3rd Generation RSAF Airmen should be sufficiently equipped with the necessary knowledge and skills.

Endnote

1 Wong Kan Seng, "Continuity in Change in Singapore’s Foreign Policy", in The Little Red Dot - Reflections by Singapore's Diplomats, ed. Tommy Koh and Chang Li Lin. Institute of Policy Studies, 2005, p49.

LTC Desmond Chong is currently a Branch Head in Air Intelligence Department. A Fighter Pilot by training, he was formerly a Section Head in Air Intelligence Department, Staff Officer in Air Plans Department and a Squadron Pilot in 145 Squadron. LTC Chong is a recipient of the SAF Overseas Training Award and SAF Postgraduate Scholarship. He holds a Master of Science in Strategic Studies from Nanyang Technological University and a Bachelor of Arts (Second Class Upper Honours) in Economics from University of New South Wales, Australia.
MAJ Philip Khoo is currently a Staff Officer in Air Operations Department. A Pilot by training, he was formerly a Squadron Pilot in 120 Squadron and 126 Squadron. MAJ Khoo is a recipient of the SAF Military Training Award and he holds a Bachelor of Science in Aeronautical Engineering from the US Air Force Academy.
CPT Amos Yeo is currently a Project Officer in 203 Squadron. A Weapon Systems Officer (C3) by training, he was formerly a Staff Officer in Defence Policy Office and a Controller in Air Force Operations Group. CPT Yeo is a recipient of the SAF Overseas Scholarship and he holds a Master of Engineering (First Class Honours) in Aeronautical Engineering from Imperial College London, U.K.
Last updated on 11 Jun 2008
 
 Privacy Statement | Terms of Use © 2008 Government of Singapore